La nota que sigue
es de Alexander Kuznetzov para el sitio web Strategic Culture Foundation. En su primer párrafo se expresa: "La destrucción del estado libio por parte de Occidente constituye uno de los grandes crímenes de guerra de la historia reciente". La pregunta entonces es: ¿Para qué? La respuesta, chicos, huele a petróleo.
Título: Libya:
The Battle for Oil Amidst Chaos and Terror
Texto: The civil
war in Syria, Russia’s burgeoning influence in the Middle East, and the
transformation of US policy in the region have all eclipsed the current events
happening in Libya. Meanwhile, the situation in that country is growing more
explosive and the West’s destruction of the Libyan state remains one of the
greatest war crimes of recent history.
Two news stories
captured the world’s attention in earlier this year: after great pains had been
taken to assemble it, the national unity government moved to Tripoli and the
Islamic State began to expand within a region that is home to some major oil
fields. Oil field workers at three sites in Libya were evacuated because of the
threat of an IS attack. According to some reports, militants loyal to Daesh
began to concentrate their forces in the region between Sirte and the oil ports
of Es Sider and Ras Lanuf.
Libyan society
has a strongly tribal structure. The country is home to 140 tribes,
approximately 50 of which play an important role in the nation’s political
life. Given the historical absence of any traditions of statehood (the
independent nation of Libya was created after World War II out of three quite
disparate regions – Tripolitania, Cyrenaica, and Fezzan), ideology plus a
strong charismatic leader were essential in order to cement a sense of unity
within the country. Muammar Gaddafi and his «Third Universal Theory» filled
this role admirably.
NATO’s direct
military support during Gaddafi’s overthrow, in addition to the shattering of
the ideology of the Jamahiriya system, destroyed the country. Libya became a
stateless territory, a conglomerate of tribes, clans, and armed groups that
conducted endless wars against each other in order to win power and access to
natural resources.
Since the summer
of 2012 Libya has been guided by its General National Congress, which was
elected to a 24-month term in order to draft a new constitution. But it proved
unequal to that task, and in the summer of 2014 a new parliament was chosen.
Unlike its predecessor in which the Muslim Brotherhood was predominant,
supporters of secular and moderate forces gained a relative majority in the new
body. However, the old leadership had no intention of relinquishing its hold on
power and declared the election invalid. As a result, two governments and two
parliaments were established in the country. The one in Tobruk consists of the
deputies elected in 2014 and is headed by Abdullah al-Thani. The other is
located in Tripoli.
The government in
Tripoli includes supporters of the quite diverse Fajr Libya coalition («Libya
Dawn»), which itself incorporates both the comparatively moderate Muslim
Brotherhood as well as hard-core Salafists.
No description of
the state of affairs in the western part of Libya would be complete without
mentioning the Misrata tribe, which is theoretically a member of «Libya Dawn»,
but in fact holds close ties to Doha and Ankara.
The forces
present in Libya create an equally complicated picture in the east. The primary
military arm of the government in Tobruk consists of the armed factions
controlled by General Khalifa Haftar. He was a high-ranking officer back when
the Jamahiriya system still held sway and he commanded the Libyan army corps in
Chad. He led a successful battle in Cyrenaica against al-Qaeda, with the help
of Egypt and the United Arab Emirates. However, along with Haftar, other
warlords are also part of the alliance with the government in Tobruk, and they
have their own interests.
One of the worst
repercussions of the Libyan crisis has been the destruction of the state’s
monopoly on the sale of oil. The National Oil Corporation (NOC) has splintered
into «Eastern» and «Western» branches, which opens up a wide playing field for
the black market.
The Western Oil
Corporation has established a close relationship with the Swiss dealer
Glencore, shipping it large quantities of oil at reduced prices. Things are
even worse in the eastern part of the country, where Ibrahim Jadhran’s
militants control the biggest oil terminal of Marsa al-Hariga. The oil smuggled
out of there is being used by the French company Total, Spain’s Repsol, Italy’s
Saras, and China’s Sinopec. Some of those companies are at times resorting to
the use of arms to safeguard their interests. In January 2016 Jordan’s King
Abdullah claimed that British SAS special forces were present in Libya. At the
same time, reports were appearing in the Arab press alleging that the
government in Tobruk had received help from French special forces troops during
the assault on Benghazi.
The cancer of
Daesh is rapidly spreading throughout Libya. Its militants have a firm grip on
the city of Sirte and the surrounding regions. Daesh headquarters in Sirte is
under the command of a Pakistani, a militant from Kuwait controls the prison,
and the local university is being run by a Nigerian associated with Boko Haram.
The IS’s greatest strength lies in its iron discipline and freedom from clan
and tribal favoritism.
In September of
last year, some of the militants involved in Gaddafi’s ouster tried to mount a
rebellion against the Daesh. They were all executed, along with many of their
tribesmen. There comes a time when even «freedom fighters» begin to feel
nostalgia for the Gaddafi era: back then opponents of the regime were merely
imprisoned, but today any opponents of the «Caliphate» are decapitated, along
with their relatives.
Recently an
exodus has been noted of IS terrorists from Syria into other countries,
particularly into Libya. To some extent Qatar is behind this, redeploying
Islamist militants to a new location in order to take control of Libya’s oil.
Having seized Sirte, IS is now moving forward, expanding its operations in the
direction of oil fields and terminals.
In December 2015,
under the mediation of the United Nations, a fragile national unity government
for Libya was assembled in Morocco from representatives of the various
factions. But questions have arisen about its viability, because for a long
time it could not even enter Tripoli and was stationed at a naval base on an
island near the capital.
Without
mechanisms for wielding power, and given the ongoing animosity between those in
charge, in addition to the foreign interference, Libya’s «national unity» will
remain a paper dream, and foreign companies will continue to plunder the
country. We need to remind the world constantly of these «fruits» of the West’s
intervention in Libya.
Convencieron a miles de "idiotas útiles" de que el gobierno libio era una dictadura, ganaron al opinión pública y "liberaron" a los oprimidos. Recuerdo a las "indignadas feministas" difundiendo que Kadaffi le daba Viagra a sus soldados para que pudieran violar a más mujeres y niñas.
ResponderEliminarTal cual. Por supuesto, parte de la responsabilidad debe recaer en la prensa masiva de Occidente, que apoyó la destrucción de Libia con mentiras y difamaciones varias. Ahora ponen carita compungida y se preguntan de dónde sale tanto refugiado libio en Malta, Sicilia, España...
ResponderEliminar